The article is devoted to the study of the sacred space of the Khakass people, in particular, the sacred mountain Yzykh tag. The worship of mountains is one of the most striking phenomena associated with many facets of the spiritual life of this people. The cultural heritage of landscapes is an integral part of the national heritage. Sacred sites are important in the process of preserving traditions and ethnic identification. The work is based on literary, archival sources and field materials of the authors.

Keywords: Khakas, traditional worldview, sacred space, spirits, rite, sacrifice, mountain and sky cults.

Revered places

In the Khakass culture, the most important are the views and ritual practices associated with the sacred space. In the traditional mind, it is always associated with the uniqueness and mystery of the place. It is generally accepted that there are unexplained natural phenomena in it. It is believed that a person in such a place experiences the active influence of some mysterious force, which only by its presence sanctifies and transforms this topos, in fact, this gives it a special, sacred status. As the well-known researcher V. L. Ogudin rightly notes, "in the religious consciousness of the population, they were represented as "places of Power", since it was believed that the forms of landscapes inherit the energy of the factors that created them " [2001, p. 29]. Such views contributed to the selection of a revered place from the surrounding world. At the same time, in mythological thinking, this space is always recognized as borderline. It seems to connect the world of man and the innermost nature, the natural and the supernatural, with invisible threads.

In the archaic worldview, sacred space is usually perceived in two ways. On the one hand, it is itself an object of worship, on the other hand, it acts as a locus where believers honor higher forces and perform special ritual actions. The Khakass people traditionally give sacred properties to such natural toposes as mountains, stones, trees, water sources, etc.From time immemorial, the attitude towards them was based on unwritten moral and ethical norms. Basically, they were aimed at regulating the use of natural resources and shaping human environmental protection activities. This practice, of course, contributed to the creation of a kind of natural environment.-

The work was carried out within the framework of the RGNF projects " Sacred sites of Slavic, Turkic, Finno-Ugric peoples in the cultural space of Western Siberia. Typology and comparative analysis (late XIX-early XXI centuries) "(N 12 - 01 - 00199a); the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences "Traditions of gift exchange in the history and culture of the peoples of Siberia of the XVII-XXI centuries" and the Russian Science Foundation "Project in support of existing scientific laboratories of NSU, 2014-2016".

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border areas. A person, being there, in his activity had to be guided by the ecophilic principle "do no harm", according to which it was forbidden to interfere with the natural course of natural processes. The restrictions applied to a wide range of actions, including the appropriation of natural resources, strict observance of seasonality and proportionality of their use, etc. In addition, over the centuries, special ethical rules for staying in such a space have been developed. Traditionally, it was forbidden to talk loudly, argue, sing and dance, show negative emotions, etc. Well-established environmental norms were based on a firm belief in the inevitability of mystical punishment for their violation during a person's life or after death, and negative consequences could fall not only on the direct culprit, but also on people close to him (Burnakov, 2009). This mental attitude contributed to the formation of a sense of responsibility both for their thoughts, words, actions, and for the entire team - family, community, clan, etc.

Reverent attitude to the sacred space was expressed in the regulated performance of special rituals. This spiritual practice is captured in the symbolic designations of such places: ilig ilchen chir / seek seek tastachats chir / pazyrtsats chir - "worship / revered places", where offerings are made to local spirits-deities. Similar areas of space include the so-called anomalous ones: eelig chirler-lit. "places with a host spirit" and tag kizilernin / eelernin chollary - "roads of mountain spirits". Not all of them are distinguished from the general natural landscape by special ritual structures. At the same time, they are well known to local residents. It is worth noting that in the traditional thinking of the Khakass people, the presence of the material structure and form of the altar is not so important as the moral and ethical aspect of human relations with nature and the spiritual perception of the surrounding space. Nevertheless, a large part of the most significant religious landscapes are marked with special symbolic objects: ritual posts-hitching posts-sarchyn/chechpe/teek, trees hung with colorful ribbons-chalama or piles of stones-obaa (Fig. 1, 2)*. In the archaic worldview of the people, such places are mainly associated with the mythologeme of the road. A traveler's journey can be either easy and happy, or difficult, and sometimes tragic. It is believed that it is on the way more often there is a meeting with the "other", whether it is an ordinary stranger or a supernatural being from the other world. According to traditional beliefs, movement is carried out not only in the visible geographical space, but also in the sacred one, filled with special symbols and secret meanings. In mythological representations, moving through such places determined the idea of transcendence - going beyond the boundaries of human existence itself and joining the other world-eternal, completely incomprehensible and potentially fraught with danger. The movement of a living person in any space necessarily implies his return, and therefore in traditional culture such a transition-journey has always been regulated by a set of established norms and rules.

Poklonnye places usually consist of mountain passes, crossings, forks and certain road sections, etc. Believers in all these places perform a typical uncomplicated ritual. Its main purpose is to gain favor and enlist the support of the supernatural force that lives in these loci. Ritual actions that express respect for the" owners " of the area are designed to eliminate all possible obstacles in the process of overcoming this space. In addition, it is believed that the mystical help of these spirits brings people good luck in their intended tasks. The ritual consists in a mental, and more often verbal greeting and address (algys) to the invisible inhabitants of space, its key function is:

Fig. 1. Ritual hitching post at Yy tag mountain (Uytak), Askiz district.

* All illustrations from the authors ' 2013 field materials.

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2. Obaa-masonry on the top of Tu tag mountain (Uytak).

3. Ritual hitching post on the road to the village of Tashtyp, Tashtyp district.

4. Offerings at the sacred hitching post on the road to the village of Tashtyp.

5. Poster with traditional good wishes on the way-Algys, Tashtypsky district.

phrase: "Cholym azykh polzyn!" - " Let my road be open/happy!". At the same time, they usually make offerings in the form of pieces of food, various drinks, coins, tobacco products, scraps of cloth, stones, branches, lighting matches, etc. (Fig. 3-5).

In the Khakass worldview, the highest cult status is given to natural and landscape objects with specific iconic names: pazyrchan tag - "poklonnaya gora", tayychats tag - "mountain of sacrifice", tayychan (tayyglig) tigey - "sacrificial peak", tayychan sorakh- "mountain of sacrifice".

Fig. 6. View of the Yzykh tag mountain range from the Sartykov aala, Altai district.

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"hill of sacrifices", yykh tag - "sacred / sacred mountain", yykh pas - "sacred head/peak", yykh tas - "sacred stone", yykh kol - "sacred lake", yykh chul - "sacred stream" [Butanaev, 1995, p. 78, 120-121, 211-212; Sunchugashev, 2001, p. 90, 155, 163, 193; Khakass-Russian Dictionary, 2006, p. 338, 578, 1037]. Among the many revered objects, the mountain of Blue tag letters is very famous. "Sacred mountain" located on the right bank of the Abakan river near the aal * Sartykov Altai district of the Republic of Khakassia (fig. 6).

Yzykh tag-historical and cultural topos

The earliest mention of this mountain, in connection with the discovery of a large coal deposit near it, is found in the scientific works of the famous naturalist researcher P. S. Pallas: "Layers of coal are visible in the steep yar on the bank of the Abakan, in the corner where the Uibat makes Abakan, in the sloping, but deliberately high mountain Ysik, from the Uibat mouth about four or five versts. The entire mountain, and consequently the coast, consists of soft gray-yellow sandstone, of which the thickest layers are inclined to the northern side" [1788, p. 559]. It is worth adding that the first component of the oronym Yzykh tag eventually determined the name of the nearest coal mine - "Izykhsky".

Concise information about the tag Curves at the end of the XVIII century was presented by the traveler-surveyor E. Pesterev. He noted that in these places there was a fierce battle between the Krasnoyarsk Cossacks and the Yenisei Kyrgyz-the ancestors of the Khakas. The author, having caught a certain consonance of the Khakass words yzyh and izig**, suggested an erroneous translation of the mountain's name, linking it with the topographical location of the theater of military operations. He wrote that Yzykh tag is called " A hot mountain, on the occasion of a bloody battle "(cit. by: [Kostrov, 1884, p. 226]). References, as well as some information about this unusual mountain in connection with the Khakass cult practice, are found in the works of researchers in subsequent times [Stepanov, 1835, p. 133; Kornilov, 1854, p. 627; Kostrov, 1852, p. 24; 1884, p. 226-227; Butanaev, 1995, p. 38, 212; and others] (see also: AMNPP TSU N 682. l. 40).

In the worldview of local residents, Yzykh tag was a visible symbol and the focus of their spiritual life, as well as the most important source of inspiration for folk art. An unambiguous indication of the central position of this sacred object in their worldview is found in folklore. It was at the foot of Yzykh Tag that the mythical hero Ir Tokhchyn once lived. As is known, the origin of most toponyms in Khakassia is associated with his heroic activity among the people [Katanov, 1909, p. 274; Ir Tokhchyn, 1990].

For many centuries, Yzykh tag has served as a kind of cultural and communication center that unites local steppe dwellers around itself. Their holiday culture was closely linked to it. Apparently, it was in this area that P. S. Pallas recorded for the first time in science the colorful mass celebration of Tun Payram among the Khakas - "the feast of the first Ayran" *** and gave a brief description of it [1788, p. 561]. The district head of Minusinsk, Prince N. A. Kostrov, reported on the scale of festive events held here at the end of the XIX century.: "Many Kachin**** uluses***** still celebrate their spring festival - Tun-near this mountain" [1884, p. 227]. According to tradition, even in Soviet times, seasonal folk festivals were held on the slopes of Yzyh tag: "In June we celebrated. The sowing season is over, there was still time for haymaking. The lamb was pricked. It was a state farm holiday" (PMA-2013******informant G. S. Kongarov, born in 1956).

Yzykh tag-the hidden mountain

As you know, one of the most important natural reasons underlying the definitions of places of worship is their aesthetics. The uniqueness of Yzykh tag is due to its almost mid-point geographical location on the territory of Khakassia, outstanding physical and geographical characteristics, and generally the extraordinary nature of its background (Fig. 7). 8). We can agree with the idea of V. L. Ogudin that "an obligatory condition for choosing a place was its attractiveness - "entertainment". < ... > The forces of nature formed such unusual forms that it was not difficult to recognize the presence of a supernatural element in them of labor. This was also facilitated by euphoric states that engulf visitors contemplating amazing views" [2002, p. 69-70].

* Aal is a Khakass village.

* * Isig denotes such concepts as "heat, heat, hot, etc." [Khakass-Russian Dictionary, 2006, p. 141].

*** Ayran is a traditional fermented milk product with medicinal properties.

**** Kachin people (hack. Haas) is an ethnic group of Khakass people.

***** Ulus is a Khakass settlement.

****** PMA-2013 - field materials of the authors collected in 2013 in the village of Arshanov, Altai district of the Republic of Khakassia.

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7. One of the Yzyh tag canyons.

Fig. 8. View from the mountain Yzykh tag.

In the traditional worldview of the Khakass people, a mountain is an integral element of their native land, but it is always an elevated object, and not only in the direct, but also figuratively. In the mythological thinking of the people, the idea of mystical involvement and even kinship of a person with a mountain / mountain spirit is widespread. The sacred hill is perceived as a living and thinking organism, as well as a kind of life-creating and fruit-bearing center. Khakas believe that the soul of a person can initially be in grief, and at the end of his life's journey returns back. The mountain is also recognized as the abode of the spirits who are the masters of the mountains-tag eezi / kizi, the spirits of the ancestors [Kyzlasov, 1982, p. 88; Butanaev, 1996, p. 15, 174-175; Burnakov, 2006, p. 16-42], as well as other supernatural forces that affect the life, happiness and well-being of each individual and the people as a whole. In this regard, in the religious consciousness of the Khakass people, the image of the revered mountain evokes a dual feeling of admiration, awe, and at the same time fear and sacred awe. The mountain peak is the most extreme geographical point, the closest to the highest world-heaven. Therefore, believers believe that the mountains are God's favorite earthly places (Haq. Khudai). N. A. Kostrov, who studied the religious worldview of the Khakass people in the mid-19th century, quite correctly noticed their traditional judgments about this: "Although Kudai lives constantly in the sky, but, despite the fact, he has several places on earth, especially his favorite ones. These places are the tops of mountains, from which you can see the surrounding area far away or a small forest, beautiful in its location" [1852, pp. 57-58].

An important role in the sacralization of space is played by the hierarchical structure of revered objects located on it and the regularity of its sacred and territorial impact. It is generally accepted that the more significant the places of worship, the smaller their number, and the scale of influence on the faithful is greater; conversely, the less significant the objects of worship, the more they are, but the area of sacred action is smaller. As V. L. Ogudin quite accurately notes, " on the same territory there may be places of worship of "different dignity". In general, this system resembles the "Russian matryoshka doll", where a large figure contains a number of smaller figures and at the end very small ones" [2002, p. 67]. This pattern in the sacralization of space is also inherent in Yzyh tag. This long mountain range, where local residents traditionally performed and continue to perform religious rites in order to solve their life problems, gain protection from a higher power and ensure prosperity, is located near the main main roads that have been functioning since ancient times. It is worth noting that the historicity of the place is one of the fundamental factors in the process of sacralization of space. This is evidenced by the tag located on the Left and in its center.

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9. Mounds at the foot of the Yzyh tagh mountains.

there is a whole complex of religious and historical and cultural monuments in the surrounding area: the stone statue of Rime obaa*, the ancient fortress structure sibee, burial grounds (Fig. 9), menhirs, rock carvings. According to V. Ya. Butanaev, on the top of the mountain there was a stone structure sume associated with heavenly prayers [1995, p. 38, 212]. The rich historical heritage of this land is also evident in the numerous archaeological objects found by the local population (PMA-2013).

Some parts of the Yzyh tag are still perceived by the Khakass people as anomalous territories: tag eelernin chollary - "roads of mountain spirits" and eelig chirler-letters. "places with a master", where, from the point of view of mythological consciousness, mysterious phenomena occur. According to beliefs, tag eeleri - "mountain host spirits"-are often found in these places. The popular belief that they have an active mystical effect on people's lives is very stable [Burnakov, 2006, pp. 16-42, 133-194]. In this regard, it is appropriate to cite the narratives of local residents: "They said that during the Great Patriotic War, people saw how taz eeleri went to fight with the Germans. They rode Yzyh tag from the mountains of Uu Tatar (Uytak), near the village of Safyanovo. They rode well-built horses with full weapons. One local woman met such a rider. He told her that he was going to the war to help our soldiers. He said that our people would win. So it happened" (PMA-2013, informant G. S. Kongarov).

A mythological story about the abduction of earth girls by mountain spirits in such places is very common among the indigenous population [Burnakov, 2006, p. 33-42]. The oldest resident of Arshanova village, M. A. Safyanova (90 years old) she told a myth-bylichku about how a local girl, passing through Yzykh tag, accidentally found herself on the path of spirits. She took a fancy to tag eezi, the "mountain master", who decided to take her as his wife. And as a result - "scaramchil", took the girl inside the mountain. However, the mountain spirit's mother did not approve of his choice, saying: Kun choh kizi kun kizinits honmintsa - " Mountain Spirit (lit. 'a man without a sun') cannot live in a marriage with an ordinary (lit. a 'sunny') person." As a result, the hapless groom had to return the girl back to her parents. They said he never bothered her again. According to the story, at the time when the girl was in grief (40 days), her relatives could not find her anywhere and no longer hoped to see her alive (PMA-2013).

Great mystical fame and religious reverence among the locals enjoyed a stone statue of Hoarfrost obaa on the top of Yzykh tag. It was believed that, being installed on a mountain, it had a huge magical effect on the entire surrounding space: "Frost obaa looked like a grandmother. Our people said that some old women fainted as soon as they approached her. Such was her strength" (PMA-2013, informant G. S. Kongarov). The nearest neighborhood of this cult object among the Khakass people is still designated as eelig chir - "a place with a master". As already noted, according to tradition, anyone who passes through the sacred territory is obliged to make symbolic offerings there in the form of pieces of food, cigarettes or sprinkling with alcoholic beverages, etc. Otherwise, believers believe, something unexpected and unpleasant can happen to travelers, even with a tragic end. On this occasion, local residents reported :" When they passed by Hoarfrost obaa, they always treated her, who has what - food, cigarettes, etc. And even the Russians, when they passed through this place, always revered it. In eelig chir, some events usually occur. After all, this is the place of the owner" (PMA-2013, informant M. A. Safyanova, born in 1923); " Hoarfrost obaa is eelig chir. When we passed by him, we always honored him and fed him. If you had something to feed her, but you didn't do it properly, then misfortune will happen. Because of this, many people died there. Personally, in my memory, about seven people fell from a cliff in that place"; " I heard how once a husband named Narylkov went on a horse to woo in the village of Bely Yar. And when Hoarfrost obaa was passing by, his horse suddenly unharnessed. Well, how can a horse unhitch itself right on the move?! Naryl-

* Frost obaa-letters. According to informants, the" stone crone " was located on the top of Yzyh tag and was taken to the Abakan Museum in the 1970s.

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kov sprinkled some wine. I harnessed my horse and rode all the way to Bely Yar normally"; "I rode there myself once. I was climbing that mountain when my tractor stopped at full speed. The old people used to tell me that in such cases you should stop smoking cigarettes. I left them here and there. And the tractor started up by itself. And I went. So there's something in these mountains, some kind of power?!"; "It's been ten years since this happened. Four combine harvesters braked at this point. I drive up and ask, what's wrong? Combine operators themselves are surprised and don't know what to say. And they had vodka. One of them, Maksim Subrakov, sprayed vodka on his harvester, and it immediately started up. And then all the others started up and went" (PMA-2013, informant G. S. Kongarov); "They said that when they put up poles for a high-voltage power line in those places, they kept falling down. Although the engineers, before installing them, calculated everything well. With great difficulty, the supports were still installed. They say that their installation was hindered by mountain spirits"; " One colonel from the security forces did not believe in God or the devil, much less in the power of the place where Frost obaa was located. I decided to spend the night there. And according to local tradition, this should not be done in any case. As a result, I got sick. Something's happened to my head. I began to see spirits and talk to them. They said that he died after some time" (PMA-2013, informant D. G. Kongarov, born in 1980).

According to the socionormative culture of the Khakass people, the principle of complete inviolability of all religious objects and objects located there is strictly observed in the revered space. They believe that ignoring this rule inevitably entails punishment in the form of various diseases or even death. In addition, the violation of the integrity of the sacred landscape can negatively affect the life and health of the local population and their household. As an instructive example, local Khakasians cite the story of the removal of the stone statue of Hoarfrost Obaa from its original place: "Hoarfrost obaa was taken away in 1976-79. After that, the life of the local population worsened. Getting sick and dying became more frequent. Problems with cattle have become more frequent. The tractor driver who took this stone away has died. Everyone who was involved in the removal of Hoarfrost obaa, all fell ill. Someone has a heart attack, someone has a stroke, etc. Now of those who dug it up, not a single one is alive. They're all dead. I always tell people that it wasn't us or you who set up these stones, and it wasn't us or you who took them away. It is necessary to return to the place of Frost obaa. After all, the Askiz people managed to return Khurtuyakh Tas*from the Abakan museum. They put her in her place. And that's what we need to do" (PMA-2013, informant G. S. Kongarov).

Tigir tayyg - sacrifice to the Sky

For many centuries, Yzykh tag was perceived as a natural temple and acted as a kind of religious center where the indigenous population gathered for rituals. The sacred significance of this space was not limited to the mytho-ritual complex associated with the spirits of the mountains and the stone statue of Hoarfrost obaa. The mountain was also a famous place of worship, where the ritual of Tigir tayyg - "sacrifice to the Sky" - was traditionally held.

In the archaic worldview, the Sky (hak. Tigir) is the highest sacred sphere of the universe and the primary source of sacred forces. Along with this, it was perceived by the Khakas as the main cosmic deity - Khan Tigir, dispassionately disposing of the destinies of all living beings on earth. According to its characteristics, it was eternal, abstract, and infinite (Burnakov, 2013). The traditional Khakass ritual of worshiping the Sky was performed at different intervals on special mountain peaks. Researchers of the XIX century, analyzing the sacred significance of mountains in the spiritual practice of the Khakas, noted: "Even today, foreigners choose high places for prayer and sacrifice; such are the Izykh and Kune mountains in the Kachin steppe duma of the Minusinsk district" [Kornilov, 1854, p. 627]; " Izykh Mountain was... Kachin-Pagans still have the same character among Kachin-Christians" (Kostrov, 1884, pp. 226-227).

Tigir tayyg, like any other rite, could have its own specifics for each ethnic group of the Khakass, which often manifests itself in local variants. D. E. Lappo drew attention to this fact at one time: "Tigr-Taih is hardly performed in different places in the same way; each old man performs it in his own way, at least some difference caught my eye when performing it on Abakan and on Yusa" [1905, p. 47]. This was later confirmed in the observations of other researchers (Katanov, 1907, pp. 381-385; Mainagashev, 1916; Potapov, 1978; et al.).

For the first time, the heavenly prayers of the Khakass people on Mount Yzykh tag were described on. Kostrov in the middle of the XIX century [1852, p. 24, 58-59]. The material is very concise, however, despite the brevity and even some fragmentary nature of the presentation, this information still makes it possible to clarify in general terms the issues related to the Tigir tayyg rite, mainly about the time and place of its performance, the main structure, sequence of actions, leading performers, etc. The presented information, combined with new ethnographic data, allows us to reconstruct the rite and, in retrospect, trace the process of transformation of the ritual of sacrifice to Heaven that took place

* Ulug Khurtuyakh Tas - "The Great Stone Old Woman" - a stone statue revered by the Khakass people.

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in this area for a century - the middle of the XIX - mid-XX centuries.

Tigir tayyg was regularly held on the top of the mountain Yzykh tag in late spring or early summer. The ritual was performed not by a shaman, but by a respected old man, popularly called algyschyl-lit. "a person who knows algys-prayers-blessings", sometimes-pilchetken kizi-lit. "knowledgeable person". Khakas, emphasizing the organizational functions of this person, often called him taiyg eezi - "the owner of the sacrifice" (AMAES TSU N 682. L. 40). As noted in the field materials of MS Usmanova, " there was no shaman on Tiger taig. Led by a knowledgeable old man... Tiger taig was held every year in the spring, when the leaves would open and the cuckoo would begin to call" (Ibid., l. 9); " a knowledgeable old man (pilchetken kizi) commanded everything, the shaman was not there. The old man knows all the mountains and rivers (taglar, suglar). He told me everything" (ibid., l. 12). Usually, the function of an algyschyl was performed by "some foreman, an honorable and rich person" [Kostrov, 1852, p. 58]. Meanwhile, as some researchers have noted, "only an old man of a righteous life, not a thief, not a swindler, not a liar, can perform Tigr-Taih" (Lappo, 1905, p.41).

The sacrificial animals in the Tiger Tayyg rite were white neutered sheep. The slaughter took place in the ozep ritual way: an incision was made on the animal's chest, where they put their hand and cut off the aorta. The carcass was flayed. The meat was not chopped, but cut at the joints and laid out on the skin, oriented with the head to the east. Subsequently, all this was placed on a sacrificial pyre, around which the believers stood, forming a circle, after which they turned around to face the east. The skin and meat were completely burned. The participants of the ceremony at this time said prayers, periodically raising their hands and bowing low. Then algyschyl and his assistant, each holding a container of milk in their hands, made a three-time solar circuit around the altar. At the same time, they made short stops in each of the cardinal directions and sprinkled up three times with a prayer. Then a white horse was brought to the altar. The animal was dedicated to the Sky and was called yzykh at - "sacred horse". Algyschyl performed the ritual of washing the horse, fumigated it with thyme (irben), then removed the bridle from it and released it to the loud shouts and shouts of others. The horse, "smelling freedom, struck by the acrid smoke of the victim and frightened by the screams, rushes wherever his eyes look. Since that time, it has been called izyg... If she sticks to any herd, it is considered a particularly good sign for the owner of the herd, and he would never dare to put a bridle on her" [Kostrov, 1852, pp. 59-60]. The ceremony ended with a solemn feast with songs and other folk entertainment events-wrestling, horse racing, etc. [Ibid., p. 60].

It should be said that N. A. Kostrov, when describing Tigir tayyg on Mount Yzykh tag, overlooked a very important point: one of the main cult objects of the rite was pai khazits - "sacred birch" - an analogue of the World Tree. As a matter of fact, all the sacred rites took place around this revered tree. In addition, the author did not mention the use of sacred ribbons in the rite - chalama, etc.

Systematic implementation of Tigir tayyg on Yykh tag continued until the Soviet period*. At the same time, one of the powerful bursts of religious activity of the Khakass people, associated with heavenly prayers, was noted at the beginning of the XX century. It was caused by a prolonged drought in the forest-steppe regions of Khakassia, which caused huge damage to the main traditional type of Khakass farming - cattle breeding, which is known to be completely dependent on the natural factor. D. E. Lappo, being a direct witness of these processes, gave a vivid, tragic description of the living conditions in which the Khakass steppe people found themselves at that time: "I witnessed the explosion of popular religious feeling in the spring and summer of 1902, caused by the loss of livestock due to the poor grass harvest in the steppe during the drought of 1901. It was not to the intercession of the Kamovs (shamans - V. B., D. Ts.) that the people turned; they remembered the forgotten cult of Kudayu, Ag-Chayachi, Keg-Tiger. He explained the disaster he was experiencing by the fact that the old faith was forgotten, the true rites of honoring Kudai were lost. Sacrificial bonfires began to smoke where they had not been lit for 15 or 20 years; they remembered those pure mountains "where cattle do not walk, where a sacrifice to the Highest God can be made"; they remembered the ancient elders who kept in their memory the rite of performing Tiger-Taikha. But the time was also difficult for the people: in Abakan, Uibat, and Kamyshta, two-thirds of the cattle fell out from lack of food. Thieves stole and slaughtered entire herds. The rich became poor, the poor became destitute. It was then that the Kachin people turned to the ancient faith of their fathers and diligently performed Tigr Taihi, then called priests and served prayers. The spring of 1901 was hot, dry, and without rain; not only was there no grass in the steppes, but the mice had eaten up all its roots; and where the mice had not eaten, the steppe fire had completely burned away the top layer of the earth, the fertile upper crust; the sun threatened to turn the steppe into a desert, because before the formation of a new no vegetation can appear in this place" [1905, pp. 42-43].

* Before the beginning of the 1930s, collective farm construction and related restructuring of traditional farming, land and livestock redistribution were developed. According to MS Usmanova ," when the collective farms were formed, all this stopped. They did not do taig (Arshanov Ulus. Askarasov V. V., born in 1911) "(AMAES TSU N 682. L. 12).

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One of the main goals of performing the Tigir tayyg rite was to ask for rain and general well-being for people and their farms. This motivation contributed to the fact that the local population in the 1940s - 1950s, and at a later time, situationally made sacrifices to the Sky on Mount Yzykh tag. This fact is confirmed by archival documents of the party organs (1951), ethnographic records of MS Usmanova, who conducted her research here in the 1970s, and our field materials: "During the period when a difficult situation is created in the collective farm, men go to the "sacred" mountain of Yzykh and sacrifice white people there ram, but these prayers are held in deep secrecy " (GAKK. F. P-26. Op. 23. D. 691. L. 155); "During the war, the chairman of the collective farm in the village of Arshanovo proposed to make a tiger taig, because it was not raining. They found an old man who knew prayers. Let's go to Izykh tag. But this old man didn't really know the prayer, so Taig didn't help. It usually rains after Tiger taig. By the time we get home, we'll be soaking wet. I noticed that it always rains on Izyh tag. There is a cloud in one direction, then it will turn in the direction of Izykh tag and there it will rain (Kilizhekov Ulus. Recorded from Yegor Yegorovich Barakhtaev, Khakass name Kizegey apchakh, born in 1881)" (AMNPP TSU N 682. L. 9); " Arranged taig if there is no rain. They ask for it. From there, we were already driving wet, because it always rains after taiga (Arshanov Ulus. Recorded from Vasily Vladimirovich Askarasov, born in 1911) "(Ibid., l. 12); " Earlier, when it wasn't raining, we used to go on ice. Тигір тайыг проводили. I didn't see it myself, but I heard it. We went up to the top of the mountain. The ceremony was performed by old people. The lamb was pricked to make it rain. Meat was eaten, ayran was drunk" (PMA-2013, informant M. A. Safyanova); "The sacrifice was performed on Yzyh tag. At the very top of it, sheep were being stabbed. Ayran was sprayed. Food was burned at the stake. The old men saw me off. I remember it didn't rain all summer. The chairman of the collective farm, Sunchugashev, gathered all the old people to perform the ceremony, since it was not raining. As the sheep were slaughtered, it began to rain. He walked for three days. It seems like it will end, and then it pours again. And immediately after the rain, the corn began to grow. This was in the early 1980s" (PMA-2013, informant G. S. Kongarov).

Among the Khakas, the rite of Tigir tayyg, unlike tag tayyg - sacrifices to the spirit of the mountain, was not generic, but territorial in nature. Believers from various Kachin families from the surrounding villages gathered on Yzyh tag for heavenly prayers: from Sartykov, Arshanov, Raikov, Sapogov, Beisky, Artanov, Kilizhekov, etc. (AMAES TSU N 682. L. 9). The ritual was strictly taboo for women of childbearing age, which is recorded in the ethnographic records of MS Usmanova and it is confirmed by our field materials: "Women did not go there. They didn't even go up on mares... The Russians could be present, as long as there was a man. Young men were also taken, but boys were not taken, because it is very high to climb there. <...> Tiger taih is a very old belief, and tag taih and sug taih were invented by shamans, women went to them "(Ibid. l. 8, 10); " Girls, boys, men could go there and married women are not allowed" (Ibid. l. 12); " There are no women on this taiga. Some men, some boys and unmarried girls. Even mares are not allowed to climb this mountain, they were left under the mountain "(Ibid. l. 24); " Women did not go there, even mares were not led. Girls can go" (Ibid.) 40); "A woman (tizi kizi) was forbidden to be present at the Yykh tag during taiyg. There were only men (irgek kiziler). Once a ceremony was held on June 22. A woman agronomist Dushina also went there with the peasants. And I told the men why they took the woman. They did the ceremony. And it hasn't rained yet. Only the ram was eaten and that's all. Due to the fact that there was a woman, there was no result" (PMA-2013, informant G. S. Kongarov).

In the first half of the 20th century, the ritual of Tigir tayyg on Mount Yzykh tag underwent certain changes. Thus, they gradually stopped dedicating the horse to Heaven (AMNPP TSU N 682, l. 24). As already noted, this was due to the changes that took place in the Khakass economic system during the Soviet era. Almost all the cattle already belonged to collective and state farms. It was under strict state control. This was especially true for horses and cattle. The process of installing the most important religious object - a birch tree (pai khazyn) - on the mountain has changed somewhat. Over time, they stopped digging it up from the roots and planting it at the place of the ceremony. The tree was simply cut down and installed there: "The birch tree was cut down and dug up on the mountain by the person who promised to do it last year, then someone else took it up and said: "I will bring a birch" "(Ibid. l. 9); " A birch tree for taiga was cut down not far, any person. I went and cut down, about 100 - 200 meters from the taiga venue, they cut down a young birch tree, 15 centimeters in diameter, then it remained on the taiga" (Ibid. l. 24); "A stake was driven on the mountain. A felled birch tree was tied to it. Wine and milk were splashed on it" (ibid., l. 40). At the same time, the procedure associated with ritual ribbons (chalams) of white, blue, red and other colors remained very stable. This indispensable attribute of the rite with appropriate well-wishes, often with specific individual requests of believers, was tied up on the branches and trunk of a sacred birch: "A fresh felled birch tree was placed, and a turban, red, white and white, was tied to it.

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they were blue, but mostly they were white turbans...> The chalams that were tied on bai khazyn were taken to the mountain in a pocket" (Ibid. l. 9); " Every visitor ties a blue and red chalam (approx. 5*2 cm) fastened with thread on a birch tree. The end of the thread is left long to tie on a birch tree. Tied on a birch tree by the one who wanted... while it lies uncovered, because then it is high to reach" (Ibid. l. 24); "Each person ties a red and blue turban on his cap, and then ties them on a birch tree" (Ibid. l.40).

The system of organizing the rite and guiding it remained unchanged. As before, it was conducted by reputable old men. Famous algyschyls who performed heavenly sacrifices on Mount Yzykh tag and were recorded in the historical memory of the people were Opun and Kochen Sartykovs. There is a widespread belief among the Khakas that " the person who recited prayers on Tiger taig came from the kind (breed) in which there were always people who knew prayers. It could have been a son, a brother... A knowledgeable person read the prayer, and everyone around stood and listened" (Ibid. l. 9-10). Many Algyschyls were wealthy householders who were able to provide the necessary number of sacrificial rams for the rite. Along with this, as a rule, local bais donated their cattle for Tigir taiyg, according to a pre-agreed sequence: "The sheep were given by rich people in turn. Some-in one year they give, others - in another year" (Ibid., l. 24); "They brought with them khuragans (young sheep. - V. B., D. Ts.), necessarily. There were sometimes 20 - 30 of them. There they are pricked and eaten" (Ibid. l. 9); " Tiger taig on Izykh tag, near the village of Sartykova, was made every year in turn. Pricked 8-10 lambs... When they are sitting, eating and drinking, one of those present expresses a desire to do taig for the next year. It is immediately recorded. They write down who will give what for taig, how many sheep. The owner of taiga (taih ezi) gives the most sheep. He will also put up a birch tree" (ibid., l. 40).

The tradition of sacrificing white ramshanks to the Sky was preserved until the middle of the XX century. It should be noted that N. A. Kostrov, describing the ritual of circumambulation around the altar, did not mention two important facts: a three-time circumambulation of the sun was performed with sacrificial animals and around the ritual birch tree-pai khazyts. This is an integral part of any sacrifice rite among the Khakass people. During this ritual, the sheep always bend the front right leg at the knee, tied with twisted birch branches or wearing a ring of them. Algyschyl led the roundabout. He held a bowl of milk in his hands and during each circle, turning with a prayer to the Sky, Khudai, spirits of mountains, rivers and other deities, sprinkled it on the top of the sacred tree. All present echoed his invocations to Heaven. At the end of this part of the rite, animals were slaughtered in the ozep ritual way. According to ethnographic information, all the skinned meat was alternately cooked in one huge copper cauldron. It was located on a bonfire 5 m from the birch tree. It should be noted that the Khakass ritual cauldron performed not only a utilitarian, but also a special symbolic function. At the end of the ritual, it was handed over to the subsequent organizer Tigir tayyg and stored in the barn for a year in an inverted form and in complete inviolability (Ibid. l. 9, 24, 40). The cooked meat was laid out on a munci-a kind of table woven from birch branches with leaves*. At this time, the leader of the rite, taking a white and red cloth in his hands, addressed prayers to the Sky and other deities, and one of his assistants, having previously selected three of the largest and fattest pieces of meat, at the command of algyschyl, alternately threw them into the sacrificial fire. The rest of the meat was passed on to everyone present at the ceremony. At the end of the ritual part, a feast was served, after which all the lamb bones, heads and entrails were burned. The skins were taken with them by the organizers of the ceremony (ibid. l. 10-40).

In the Soviet period, in the context of anti-religious propaganda, the rite of sacrifice to Heaven on Mount Yzykh tag was still performed, although, as already noted, situationally and secretly. In the context of the liberalization of Russian society, the cult practice of the indigenous population resumed with renewed vigor. The sacred mountain Yzykh tag is still a unique natural object of cultural heritage of the Khakass people. All the rituals associated with it reflect the traditional worldview canons of the people. Yzykh tag continues to perform an integrating function in the life of the local population. Direct or indirect intrusion into this sacred space is perceived as an encroachment on the most sacred thing for the people. As you know, the main sources of danger for natural places of worship are extractive industries. Despite some remoteness, a certain ecological threat to the sacred site of Yzykh tag can still be posed by the development of a coal mine in the vicinity of s. Arshanova Street. The realities of life are increasingly showing a tendency to ignore the rights of the local population to preserve not only the ecological safety of their habitat, but also the traditional way of life and beliefs.

* Tunci was built near a birch tree. Four pegs were driven into the ground, which were wrapped with birch branches in a specific way until they were shaped into a table (AMNPP TSU N 682. l. 24).

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Conclusion

The presented material and its analysis allow us to draw the following conclusions. In the Khakass culture, an important place is given to the system of ideas about sacred space. A special position in it is occupied by the mountain Yzykh tag. The process of its sacralization is determined by a complex of factors. The most important of them is the direct symbolization of the natural and geographical landscape, which carries the polysemantic image of the mountain and the idea of an indissoluble and close connection of man with it. An important role in establishing the sacred status of the mountain was played by its extremely high historical and cultural significance among local residents. The worship of Yzyh tag is largely due to the presence on it of such a revered object as the stone statue of Rime Obaa, and special mystical places - eelig chirler and tag eelernin chollary. Finally, the sacred perception of this mountain was determined by the cult of the Sky and its associated rituals.

For centuries, Yzykh tag served as a sacred center, around which a special local version of the Khakass mytho-ritual complex was formed. It played a crucial role in the cultural self-identification and integration of the local population, and contributed to the establishment of moral and ethical norms that are inherently ecological in nature. They were based on the idea of perceiving the environment as a living and sentient organism. The traditional culture of the Khakass people was based on the principle of harmonious coexistence of man and nature. It found its expression in the practice of gift exchange, carried out in the form of rites of sacrifice. The preservation of sacred sites, including the Yzykh Tag Mountain, is a fundamental criterion and guarantee of ensuring the right of the people to preserve their native land and national and cultural heritage.

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The article was submitted to the editorial Board on 05.12.13, in the final version-on 03.04.14.

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